AN ANALYSIS OF THE PSYCHOLOGICAL CAUSATION AND MOTIVES OF SEX OFFENDERS
Since the beginning of time, men and woman have
sexually desired each other. People willingly engage in sexual pleasure and it
is the biological cause of the propagation of our world. It is only when this
act is committed on an unwilling participant that a crime has been committed.
Our society has adopted laws that are designed to protect the victims of this
unlawful act. There are laws that govern forcible rape, statutory rape, and sex
offenses such as fellatio, cunnilingus, and sodomy. The sex offender is usually
described as an emotionally immature person, with deep feelings of inferiority
and a sense of inadequacy with respect for social relations (O'Hara and O'Hara
1994). Their motives can be linked directly to traumatic psychological incidents
that occur during the sex offender's lifetime.
It will be shown in this paper that sex offenders can be
classified into two distinct groups based upon the psychological experiences of
the offender. These groups are the Criminal Offenders and the Psychiatric
Offenders. More often than not, the criminal offender is frequently motivated by
hostility towards and power over woman where as the psychiatric offender is
motivated by a sense of inadequacy or fantasy. This paper will address several
psychological issues as it relates to the motive of the sexual offender.
The theoretical development of psychology as it relates to
Sexual Assaults will be addressed in this paper. It is through an exploration of
psychological disorders and early childhood development and trauma that we gain
an understanding into the motives that cause a person to commit sex offenses.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Previous research has shown that the
hypothesis for this research is that a profile of the average sex offender can
be generated from analyzing forensic evaluations and a series of characteristics
(i.e. gender) and classifications (i.e. marital status). There is a high
possibility that the general sex offender is a single, middle-aged, Caucasian
male, who endured sexual abuse as a child. The offender possibly has an
inconsistent vocational history, a high school education, no substance abuse
history, a problematic mental health, no record of military history, a
conflictual legal history and resides with a close relative. The offender is
probably a repeat sex offender who appears to be a non-stranger to his victim.
His victim is perhaps a female of 18 years or younger. More than likely, the
offender was not under the influence of any drug during the time of the offense.
The offense is possibly sexual assault. From the forensic evaluation, the
offender is most likely declared sane and determined competent to stand trial.
(Garvey 1998).
Most of the theories point to the occurrences during the
offenders' childhood and adolescent periods, the most vulnerable and influential
times of behavioral development (Goldberg, 1996). Thus, the focus of complete
prevention is directed towards child bearing and raising. A much higher emphasis
on family values, education and recreation should be the main focus. This would
require community participation and perhaps government investigation, as sexual
deviancy could very well be a societal problem. Research focusing on the many
diverse branches of the problem, such as the ethnic difference in sex offenders,
the bizarre age distinction, and the relationship between the offender and the
victim, should be conducted and continued. After achieving these studies, going
proactive would be effective in educating the community of the problem,
ultimately placing it on a higher level of awareness. (Garvey1998).
Other researchers have found that there is a very important
concept called presexualization that may be a catalyst to sexual offending.
Presexualization refers to a child who has been sexualized prematurely in life.
Nearly all of Dr. Rosenburg's patients were adult and adolescent sex offender
clients who had been presexualized. Presexualization can take various forms:
being overtly or covertly sexually abused, being exposed to pornography, and
witnessing adult sexual behavior in the home are the most common forms of
presexualization. Being presexualized, however, does not necessarily imply that
the child is or will become a sexual offender! Rather, it may indicate that the
child may act out what he/she has been exposed to. This is what would be called
a sexually reactive child. (Rosenburg 2000).
Still other researchers believe that that the motives of the
sex offender can only be determined through an extensive evaluation of the
individual sex offender and not as a generalistic determination based on
societal research. Sexual offenses are committed by individuals with a wide
array of psychological problems, and it is essential to identify the underlying
psychological disorder that predisposed the individual to commit a sexual
offense. While most, if not all, sexual offenders meet the diagnostic criteria
for one or more of the sexual disorders, many offenders also are diagnosed with
additional psychological disorders requiring treatment. Mental retardation,
psychotic disorders, personality disorders, and substance abuse can all
influence an individual's sexual behavior, leading to a sexual offense.
Psychological evaluation of a sexual offender requires a review of all materials
relevant to the offenses, including statements to the police, previous
psychological evaluations, witness accounts of his/her behavior, and past
criminal record. The psychologist will then conduct a clinical interview and
administer psychological testing appropriate to the situation. A more detailed
psychosexual history is a vital part of this evaluation. (Franklin 1999).
Previous research has also suggested a number of potentially
important dynamic risk factors for sexual offenders. Based on file review,
Pithers and his colleagues reported that negative emotional states were common
precursors to reoffending for both rapists and child molesters (Pithers, Beal,
Armstrong, & Petty, 1989; Pithers, Kashima, Cummings, Beal, & Buell,
1988). Other common risk factors suggested by their review included cognitive
distortions, low victim empathy, and social skills deficits. Their results are
difficult to interpret, however, because there were no comparison groups of
non-recidivistic offenders. As well, because only one time period was considered
(the six months prior to reoffending), it is possible that many of the
"immediate precursors" may actually be symptoms of enduring problems
(e.g., social skills deficits, disordered sexual arousal pattern).
Further evidence that negative mood may be an acute risk factor comes from the
research of Proulx, McKibben and Lusignan (1996; McKibben, Proulx & Lusignan,
1994). In their studies, in-patient sexual offenders kept ongoing records of
their emotional reactions, deviant sexual fantasies, and masturbatory behavior.
These studies found that deviant sexual fantasies tended to follow episodes in
which the offenders felt stressed or upset. Although these studies demonstrated
a link between negative mood, deviant sexual fantasies and masturbation, the
design of these studies could not directly examine the link between negative
mood and sexual offending per se. (Hanson & Harris 1998).
Still other research has found that many crimes involve the
intentional infliction of physical and psychological suffering. Sexual sadism is
only one of the several motives for such crimes. To avoid misinterpretation,
investigators should be aware of those behavior patterns that appear to be
sexually sadistic, but which, in fact, arise from different motives and
contexts. Persons with this condition usually exhibit cruel, demeaning, and
aggressive behavior in both social and work situations, most often toward
subordinates. They tend to establish dominance in interpersonal relationships
and convey a lack of respect or empathy for others. Such individuals are often
fascinated by violence, take pleasure in demeaning, humiliating, and frightening
others, and may enjoy inflicting physical or psychological abuse. In this
condition, the purpose of these behaviors is not that of becoming aroused.
(Hazelwood, Dietz, & Warren 1992).
A more known researcher found that motives can be linked to
paraphilias. Paraphilias as defined by DSM-IV, are sexual impulse disorders
characterized by intensely arousing, recurrent sexual fantasies, urges and
behaviors (of at least six months' duration) that are considered deviant with
respect to cultural norms and that produce clinically significant distress or
impairment in social, occupational or other important areas of psychosocial
functioning. The common paraphilias described include exhibitionism (exposure of
genitals to a stranger), pedophilia (sexual activity with a prepubescent child,
generally 13 years of age or younger), voyeurism (observing others' sexual
activities), fetishism (use of inert objects, such as female undergarments),
transvestic fetishism (cross-dressing), sexual sadism (inflicting suffering or
humiliation), sexual masochism (being humiliated, beaten, bound or made to
suffer) and frotteurism (touching, rubbing against a nonconsenting person)
(Kafka 1996).
Another researcher also followed the concept of paraphilias
being the cause of sex offending. The term "sex offender" covers a lot
of psychological territory, and it's difficult to generalize without more
specific information. We usually use the term "paraphiliac" to
describe someone whose sexual urges and fantasies involve either nonhuman
objects; the humiliation of self or others; or the use of nonconsenting persons
or children. For a review of this topic, see Abel et al, Bull Am Acad Psychiatry
Law 16:153-68, 1988. The average paraphiliac usually engages in more than one
type of paraphiliac behavior with several different victims. The rate of
"recidivism" (repeating sexual offenses) is quite high--up to 40% even
in treated samples (Furby et al, Psychol Bull 105:3-30, 1989).
Many offenders will not seek help, fearing legal
repercussions. The consensus in the field seems to be that while treatment can
make a difference, it is probably misleading to speak of a "cure." One
study (Shaw et al, Bull Am Acad Psychiatry Law 23:35-41, 1995) showed that
reading ability and married status predicted the best outcomes. (Many of the
treatment programs involved reading assignments.) High levels of sexual arousal
(more so than acceptance or nonacceptance of personal responsibility for acts)
seems to predict commission of new sexual offenses (Marques et al, Behav Res
Ther June 1994).
Previous research established evidence for a cycle of
violence: People who were abused and neglected in childhood are more likely than
those who were not to become involved in criminal behavior, including violent
crime, later in life. This Research in Brief, the second in a series on the
cycle of violence, examines the criminal consequences in adulthood of a
particular type of childhood victimization: sexual abuse. This research reports
the findings from an analysis of a specific type of maltreatment-- childhood
sexual abuse--and its possible association with criminal behavior later in life.
Using the same cases of individuals studied previously, the researcher sought to
find out whether those who had been sexually abused were more likely to engage
in later delinquent and criminal behavior than those who had experienced the
other types of abuse. Is there an "inevitable" or likely progression
from being sexually victimized in childhood to being charged with an offense in
adulthood, particularly sex offenses? (Widom 1995).
Although many researchers have studied paraphilias, PTSD's
and the potential of recidivism as it relates to the causative factors
influencing the individual to commit a sex offense, I have found that no one has
explored the concept of multi-sibling families or single child families as it
relates to the core causative factor, or motive, which influences a person to
commit a sexual offense.
RESEARCH METHODS
It seems like a sensible and common
hypothesis or research question that can be asked is: Is a person that grows up
in a multi-sibling home as compared to an only child home, more likely to commit
a sex offense and if so, what were the psychological influences that became a
causative factor? Secondly, is that causative factor truly the underlying
motive?
When looking into this theory, one would need to determine
from a survey of convicted sex offenders whether or not they were an only child
growing up in the household or if they were one of several siblings. It would
also need to be determined as to whether or not they were the oldest, youngest,
how many siblings, how many older, and how many younger. It is my belief that by
growing up in a household where there is more than one sibling, there are
psychological influences placed upon each of the siblings that are not placed
upon an only child. Some of these influences could be exposure to sexually
explicit material, taught about the "birds and bees" at an earlier age
(Presexualization), experimentation between siblings, or even the observance of
a sexual act or sexual abuse by a parent or adult caregiver.
Although some of these factors might also be influential on a
single child, it is through the repetitiveness of exposure to these elements
that would ultimately shape the individual into to being an adult sex offender.
In the absence of a sibling, this role is usually replaced by a member in a
"play group" or a close childhood friend that has ultimately assumed
the role as a "brother or sister".
In the administering of the survey, the following questions
would be asked:
1. How old are you?
2. Sex: M / F?
3. Race?
4. What level of education did you complete?
5. Where did you grow up? Inner city, Urban outskirts, Suburbs, Rural?
6. Who raised you? Both parents, single parent, relatives, foster parents,
adoptive parents?
7. How many children were in the household?
6a. Were you the oldest, youngest, or middle child?
6b. How many older children were there?
6c. How many younger children were there?
6d. How many sisters? (Older, younger?)
6e. How many brothers? (Older, younger?)
8. How old were you when you had your first sexual experience?
9. What type of sexual experience did you have?
10. Who was the sexual experience with? (Parent, guardian, sister, brother,
other relative, friend)
11. Was it consensual or against your will?
12. Were you exposed to any pornographic material while growing up? (By whom?)
13. Did you observe any members of you family engaged in a sexual act? (If so,
who, when and under what circumstances?)
14. Have you ever experimented sexually with a person of the same sex as you?
15. Has a parent or guardian ever punished you for a sexual act you were
involved in?
16. Have you ever committed a sex offense that you were not arrested for?
17. Have you ever witnessed a sexual act forced upon an unwilling person?
18. Why did you commit the sex offense you were convicted for?
It is through these questions that we can begin to develop the pattern of sexual deviance brought on by childhood psychological trauma in a multi-sibling home. It is understood that there will be a certain amount of reactivity to the later questions, and that some will not answer truthfully, but if we were to compare this information we would be able to show the following strain theory:
|
Exposure |
Repeating |
Counseling |
Recidivism |
Delinquency |
The exposure to the event, whether it is by the
sibling, parent or guardian, or by the "sisterly/brotherly" friend
would be the antecedent. This act in itself would be the catalyst for the
individual to escalate to the point where they are now engaging in repeating of
that act or experimenting with different sexual acts. Usually this would be
found out by a person in authority and usually dealt with along the lines of
counseling, punishment, or therapy. Even after these measures have been
implemented, there will be recidivism by the individual to commit the act again
and again. Ultimately this leads to delinquency as it pertains to sexual
assaults and to crime causation in adults.
Some of the exposures to the events are pornographic
material, conversation about an act someone else described or witnessed, TV
Show, self-witnessing of an act, and sexual abuse by a family member or friend.
The individual will then begin to believe that these acts are the norm and that
there are no repercussions associated with the events or they have no
understanding that these acts are unacceptable by society.
This will then lead into the individual actually performing
the act either by force or consent. These two events almost seem perpetual. An
older sibling engaged sexually with a younger sibling or adult engaged in a
sexual act with a child, who in turn engages in an act with another sibling or
friend and so forth. This will continue until intervened by a person in
authority.
Ultimately a parent or guardian will become informed of the
sexual act and will counsel the child or punish the child. Some elect therapy as
an alternative. Still in some instances, no intervention by an authority figure
will occur. In either case, the outcome is usually the same. The individual does
not understand the full repercussion as to why society has determined that these
acts are morally and criminally wrong. They have not been held truly accountable
for the act they committed.
This will lead to recidivism on the part of the offender.
They will continue to offend until they are held truly accountable for the act.
They understand right from wrong, they understand that it is a punishable
offense, yet they continue to offend. All they were exposed to, all they were
taught, all their psychological disorders that were created by there
presexualization will continue to fuel the need for the person to offend. It is
through this recidivism that the individual becomes delinquent and thus the
causation of sex offenses.
Presexualization, PTSD's, childhood sexual abuse, low
educational level, diminished mental capacity, and recidivism, are all factors
that previous researchers have studied individually in an effort to determine
the true causation of sex offenders. It is not one particular factor but a
compilation or progression of these factors that ultimately shapes the sex
offender. It could start with presexualization or childhood sexual abuse in the
Exposure to Event phase and progress through to Recidivism and Delinquency.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
Through previous research we can establish whether or not an offender was an only child or from a multi-sibling home. We can determine whether or not they were presexualized or abused sexually as a child, whether or not they are repeat offenders, and we can determine what path they took in life to get to where they are. It is through future research we can begin to show the correlation between all of these factors and how they influence the individual to commit a sex offense.
REFERENCES
O'Hara, Charles & G. (1994) Fundamentals of Criminal Investigation. Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas.
Last updated: 02/23/02